A couple of days ago, a blog post appeared on Ekho Moskvy by economist Nikita Krichevsky. Of course it caught my eye because it aligns with my interests in both the Russian political system and corruption. I will try to explain the somewhat complicated story as simply as possible.
In April, a story appeared in the Russian press that the Federal Anti-Monopoly Service [FAS] had approved the buyout of Ivanovo Polyester Complex [IPK in Russian]. “100% of the voting shares” were purchased by a Cyprus registered company called Honson Management Limited [the Russian spelling is not correct, and I cannot find it in Cyprus’ registry].
First some background on the project itself:
“IPK is the largest investment project in the production of raw materials for light industry in Russia…. IPK will replace imported raw materials for light industry, which will become the main consumer of… materials for the automotive industry, the basis for roofing materials, the production of clothing, furniture, etc.. Currently there is no production of synthetic (polyester) fibers in the country, the main supplier is China…”
The total cost of the project is more than 25 billion rubles. In December 2016, VEB approved a 13 year loan of 20.4 billion rubles for the complex… the loan is in foreign exchange. In addition, the owners of the complex must invest in the project more than 5 billion [rubles] of its own funds, VEB reported.”
There have, of course, been multiple objections to the project.
“…the co-chairman of the State Secretary of the Ecological Chamber of Russia, Vadim Petrov, expressed the opinion that the results of the environmental impact assessment for the construction of the plant may not [be realistic].
The factory will process a huge amount of highly toxic chemicals. And representatives of the plant and the local administration say that the plant will not have any waste. But worldwide there are no such technologies that would ensure zero emissions… We are sure that we are dealing with either a lack of environmental expertise, or with deliberate silence of important facts.”
In addition, the director of the Institute of Contemporary Economy Nikita Isaev wondered in April who IPK’s “customers” would be, and where the raw material would come from. The projections indicate that IPK will have a monopoly on domestic production, producing more than is currently being imported. As for the “raw material”, IPK would have to import it from South Korea, which would raise costs significantly compared to the current costs of importing the finished materials from China.
The only way to make IPK profitable, Isaev said, would be to subsidize it from the federal budget, or “…to oblige state companies to purchase products… even if they are not needed.”
In other words, more state sponsored theft from the Russian taxpayers.
And now for the new “shareholders” who will benefit from the
According to Vedomosti:
“The final beneficiaries of Honson Management are Sergei Presnyakov (with a share of about 52%), Alexei Golubovich (25.1%), Alexei Prudnikov (about 15%) and Ruslan Kryazhev (about 10%).”
Alexei Golubovich should be familiar to those who have followed the Yukos case for any amount of time. After his 7 year stint at Menatep (and later Yukos), Golubovich went on to found Arbat Capital in 2007.
Presnyakov and Kyrazhev have worked together for over a decade. The two were both shareholders in a company called Fuera Invest Limited starting in 2006.
Presnyakov’s LinkedIn profile says that he is the owner of Active CIS, though his name does not appear on the website.
Kyrazhev is/was a partner in the investment firm, Waarde Capital along with Alexei Prudnikov. Waarde Capital says that it invests in the IT, telecommunications, finance and trade sectors in Russia, Europe, Israel, South-East Asia, and the US. However, Kyrazhev does not currently appear on Waarde’s website. Kyrazhev also worked at Yukos in the 1990s.
Alexei Prudnikov says that he is also President of Finematika, another venture capital company.
But wait! There’s more!
In April, VEB and IPK said that they were working on financing the new project in Ivanovo. Krichevsky writes that the stated cost of the project increased by nearly 10 billion rubles in about a two month period. And in early 2015, Ivanovo’s governor said that the project would cost about 17.7 billion rubles. Allowances can be made for inflation, Krichevsky concedes, but the exchange rate has actually stayed pretty steady in the past two years.
Meanwhile, Krichevsky notes that an article appeared in the Czech press last month reporting that at least partial financing for the project was provided by the Czech bank CSOB through a loan to VEB. The loan will finance the construction of a plant in Ivanovo by the Czech company Unistav Construction. The contract between Unistav and IPK was signed in Prague in March 2016, before Golubovich and partners bought IPK.
VEB’s chief who approved the loan is Sergei Gorkov. Gorkov has appeared in the US media recently due to his alleged connection to Jared Kushner. But what is more interesting about Gorkov is his long-time relationship with Yukos and Khodorkovsky.
In another twist, Krichevsky cites an investigation into Khodorkovsky’s international business empire that appeared in Komsomolskaya Pravda back in April.
“In the Czech Republic, Khodorkovsky’s name is associated with businessman Dusan Novotny… Novotny ensures Khodorkovsky’s interests in a number of development projects of the companies Panorama, Unistav Holding and Novodevelop – both residential and commercial complexes. All these companies, according to the Czech Register of Legal Entities, were registered in 2015. They are all connected to the large Czech holding company Unimex Group through Unistav International.”
And who is building IPK’s new factory? Unistav Construction, which is a subsidiary of Unistav Holding, “whose owner is associated with “Mandela” [Khodorkovsky]. A contract with a foreign contractor, signed, as far as I know, without a tender, despite the fact that they are planning to build IPK with public (well, quasi-public) funds.”
And the authorities have turned a blind eye.
So, Krichevsky concludes, “…VEB actually finances “Mandela”, “Mandela” supports the opposition, the opposition demands the resignation of Putin, and Putin… And Putin, it turns out, approved the entire scheme.”
Tell me again that Mikhail “Mandela” Khodorkovsky is being persecuted by the Russian state.